Utah Raw Milk and Homemade Food Bills Now Law


On March 21 Governor Gary Herbert signed the Home Consumption and Homemade Food Act (House Bill 181 – HB 181) into law, making Utah the fourth state after Wyoming, North Dakota and Maine to adopt food freedom legislation. Utah, with a population over 3 million, is the most populous state to pass a food freedom bill so far. The population of the capital, Salt Lake City, is a little under 200,000; the Salt Lake metro area population is over one million.

Two days prior, on March 19, Herbert signed Senate Bill 108 (SB 108), legislation increasing opportunities for the permitted sales of raw milk as well as expanding consumer access to the product. It’s been some week for supporters of local food in the state. The mother-daughter team of farmers Symbria and Sara Patterson were the driving force behind both bills. Both pieces of legislation go into effect immediately.

HB 181 allows the unregulated sale of all foods within Utah except raw dairy and meat products direct from the producer to an “informed final consumer.” There are two exceptions to the prohibition on the unregulated sale of meat products. Producers can sell poultry and poultry products under the bill as long as they slaughter less than 1,000 birds a year. Producers of domesticated rabbit meat are also able to sell direct to consumers without regulation “pending approval from the United States Department of Agriculture that the state’s role in meat inspection is preserved”–approval that shouldn’t be more than a formality.

Sales under the bill can be made at a farm, ranch, “direct-to-sale farmers market”, home, office or any location agreed upon between the producer and consumer. The only requirement for producers is that they inform consumers that the food sold has “not been certified, licensed, regulated or inspected by state or local authorities.” If producers are selling at a farmers market, they must display signage indicating this information; producers selling without regulation at the farmers market must be separated from other vendors at the market.

SB 108 allows producers with a permit to deliver and sell raw milk “from a mobile unit where the raw milk is maintained through mechanical refrigeration at 41 degrees Fahrenheit or a lower temperature.” Under prior law licensed dairies could only sell raw milk on the farm or at a retail store if the dairy had a majority ownership interest in the store–only two of the state’s ten permitted dairies meet this requirement.

SB 108 also allows unpermitted dairies to sell up to 120 gallons of raw milk per month direct to the consumer on the farm. Producers selling under this exemption must comply with labeling, recordkeeping, animal health and milk testing requirements; producers must also notify the Utah Department of Agriculture and Food (UDAF) “of their intent to sell raw milk.”

Symbria and Sara Patterson have taken time off from the farm each of the last four legislative sessions to lobby for legislation they have developed promoting unregulated producer-to-consumer direct trade. The Pattersons are respectful but persistent. In 2015 they were successful in getting micro-dairy herdshare legislation passed despite opposition from Utah Farm Bureau, the state dairy industry, and UDAF. In 2016 and 2017 they worked on food freedom legislation that did not make it out of committee–showing the tremendous progress they have made in a short period of time. As the session went on, opposition to HB 181 and SB 108 steadily decreased; HB 181 passed unanimously in the Senate and SB 108 did the same in the House.

The Pattersons have put together a formidable team to work on local food legislation consisting of Representative Marc Roberts, lobbyist Royce Van Tassell and farmer/analyst Paula Milby. Roberts has been the champion of food freedom in the Utah legislature the past four years, patiently staying the course when the opposition to the bills he introduced looked to be overwhelming. He, the Pattersons, Van Tassell and Milby showed a knack this past session for crafting legislation that would minimize opposition while not compromising what they were trying to accomplish. Connor Boyack, the president of the non-profit Libertas Institute, has helped significantly since 2015.

The Pattesons received earlier funding to help their legislative work from the Farm-to-Consumer Legal Defense Fund and State Policy Network but thanks to their formation of the non-profit Red Acre Center (RAC), they are now able to pay for lobbying and other expenses related to legislative efforts through donations to RAC–among expenses is paying for a farm manager when the Pattersons are away lobbying in the capital, Salt Lake City. Their Red Acre Farm in Cedar City operates a thriving vegetable CSA and sells meat and poultry products as well. The RAC is an education and advocacy nonprofit center that holds an annual conference in January; it has quickly become part of the conversation about who the influential organizations are in Utah food and agricultural policy. The Pattersons are building Red Acre Center for the long haul to be part of the political and educational landscape of food and agriculture in the state.

An interesting dynamic in SB 108 was that the bill likely would not have passed without the support of the Utah business empire, Redmond Inc. Redmond is primarily known for its manufacture of salt but it also has a raw milk operation, Redmond Heritage Dairy, that sells raw milk in several stores Redmond owns throughout Utah. Redmond wanted SB 108 to pass so it could deliver around the state. The company was the driver behind 2007 legislation that banned herdshares while allowing the sale of raw milk retail stores by a permitted producer that held a majority ownership interest in the store selling the raw milk. The Pattersons partially rectified the ban on herdshares with the 2015 legislation legalizing micro-dairy herdshare programs; they worked with officials from Redmond on the passage of SB 108.

RAC has joined Redmond, Utah Farm Bureau, the conventional dairy industry and UDAF as a player in Utah food and agriculture legislation. For Red Acre Center it shows the success that can result when you have a few dedicated individuals that don’t take “no” for an answer.

Victory in North Dakota: Food Freedom Act Intact


One of the more brazen power grabs involving local food in recent years came to end March 21 when the North Dakota Department of Health (NDDoH) withdrew proposed rules that would have substantially watered down the North Dakota Food Freedom Act (FFA), groundbreaking legislation that passed in 2017.

The FFA allows producers to sell any food (referred to as cottage foods in the legislation) without regulation except meat, dairy and foods with either meat or raw dairy as an ingredient. The FFA gave NDDoH no rulemaking power but that didn’t stop the department from trying to weaken the legislation. NDDoH convened a workgroup after the bill passed last year to draft regulations governing the FFA; the composition of the workgroup was stacked against its members that had supported the legislation.

Last month NDDoH published proposed rules that were an attempt to substitute its judgment for the legislature’s and reduce the number of cottage foods that could be sold without regulation from what the FFA allowed.

The proposed rules prohibited the sale of canned foods such as sauerkraut or pickles if their pH and/or water activity was above a certain level; nothing in the FFA contained this requirement. The rules required that producers sell only whole frozen poultry; nothing in the FFA has this limitation. Moreover, North Dakota has adopted the federal regulation governing the production and sale of poultry which allows the sale of fresh poultry, poultry parts and value-added products such as chicken pot pie and chicken broth.

The proposed regulations would also have prohibited the production and sale of certain dry goods, dehydrated and beverages such as kombucha that are all allowed under the FFA.

Opposition to NDDH was widespread. North Dakota Farm Bureau which had supported the FFA worked to get the department to withdraw the proposed rules. The national nonprofit Institute for Justice also made an impact, pointing out in a letter to NDDH Commissioner Mylynn Tufte by one of its attorneys that under the FFA a state agency could not regulate the preparation or sale of cottage food products.

Dairy farmer LeAnn Harner who heads the advocacy group North Dakota Food Freedom helped coordinate opposition to the rules, Harner, who was instrumental in the passage of the FFA, worked with legislators to move NDDoH to honor the legislative intent that there be no regulation of cottage foods.

The key legislators in getting NDDoH to withdraw the rules were Representative Luke Simons (the sponsor of the FFA) and Representative Aaron McWilliams. In a statement posted on the North Dakota Food Freedom Facebook page, Rep. McWilliams said that he and Rep. Simons had met with Commissioner Tufte along with a representative from the governor’s office and explained to them the legislative intent behind the FFA. McWilliams said, “We discussed what the role of the health department would be with cottage food producers, mainly education.”

On March 20 NDDoH issued a news release stating it was “closing the public comment period and cancelled three hearings inviting comment on proposed cottage food laws [scheduled for March 22nd and 23rd]”–meaning it was withdrawing the proposed rules.

The FFA is staying intact. The department’s bureaucratic power grab came up short.

Governor Burgum with supporters of the North Dakota Food Freedom Act

STATE RAW MILK BILLS – 2018 UPDATE


There have been raw milk bills before the legislature in ten different states so far this current session. A bill has made it to the governor’s desk in Utah and there is legislation in at least a couple of other states that has a realistic chance of passing, including Louisiana which is one of seven states left where any raw milk sales or distribution is illegal. Bills before the legislatures include:

IOWA House File 2055 (HF 2055) would allow the unregulated sale of raw milk and raw milk products on-farm and through delivery. There is a labeling requirement that there be a statement on the container notifying consumers that the product has not been inspected and is not subject to public health regulations. Bills have also been introduced in the Iowa legislature that would legalize raw pet milk sales (HF 2057) and the distribution of raw milk through herdshares (HF 2056) but HF 2055 is the only raw milk bill the legislature has considered so far. On January 30 a subcommittee of the House Committee on Local Government recommended passage by a 2-1 vote; the bill is now before the full committee. Iowa is one of the remaining states that prohibits any raw milk distribution.

LOUISIANA companion bills, Senate Bill 188 (SB 188) and House Bill 437 (HB 437), have been introduced that would allow the on-farm sale of either cow milk or goat milk of an average of 500 gallons per month. No permit is required but producers are subject to inspection and must comply with milk testing, herd health, and sanitary standards as well as a labeling requirement that there be a warning that the raw milk may contain harmful bacteria. The bills are a reintroduction of Senate Bill 29 (SB 29) that nearly passed in 2016. SB 29 passed out of the Senate and was defeated in the House committee by one vote.

MASSACHUSETTS Senate Bill 442 (S.442) and House Bill 2938 (H.2938) are companion agricultural omnibus bills that include provisions which would officially legalize herdshare agreements and would allow the off-farm delivery of raw milk by licensed dairies. Under the bill, farmers with no more than twelve lactating cows, goats or combination of cows and goats can enter into herdshare agreements with those wanting to obtain raw milk. There must be a written contract that includes a statement that the raw milk is not pasteurized nor subject to inspection by the state Department of Health nor the Massachusetts Department of Agricultural Resources (MDAR). MDAR has power to issue rules on testing but cannot require testing more frequently than once every two months. The bills allow from a licensed raw milk farmer to deliver raw milk to a consumer with whom the farmer has a contractual relationship, including through the farmer’s agent and through a community supported agriculture (CSA) delivery system. The bill gives MDAR power to issue regulations governing delivery; the regulations must allow for non-mechanical refrigeration. The bills have passed out of the Joint Committee on Environment, Natural Resources and Agriculture and will likely next be assigned to the Senate Ways and Means Committee.

NEW JERSEY Assembly Bill 502 (A502) is the same bill that has been introduced the prior three legislative sessions, A502 allows for the on-farm sale of raw milk and raw milk products by a licensed dairy. Producers must comply with labeling, signage, herd health, and milk testing requirements. The bill also legalizes herdshare agreements and states that no permit is required for the distribution of milk through a herdshare contract. New Jersey is one of the remaining seven states that prohibits any raw milk distribution. A502 has been referred to the Assembly Agriculture and Natural Resources Committee.

TENNESSEE House Bill 2229 (HB 2229) and Senate Bill 2104 (SB 2104) would have allowed the unregulated direct sale from producer to consumers of all foods except meat, on the farm, at farmers markets and other venues. There were labeling and signage requirements but no licensing or inspection under the bills. The bills were both defeated in committee; under current law, the distribution of raw milk and raw milk products is legal through herdshare agreements. Herdshare programs have been thriving in the state.

UTAH Senate Bill 108 (SB 108) has passed through both the Senate and House and are on the desk of Governor Gary Herbet. SB 108 allows the delivery and sale of raw milk through a mechanically refrigerated mobile unit by licensed dairies. Currently only the on-farm sale of raw milk by license holders is legal unless the producer has a majority ownership interest in a retail store (only one of the state’s ten licensed dairies meets this qualification). SB 108 also allows for the unlicensed on-farm sale of up to 120 gallons per month by unlicensed dairies if the producer is in compliance with labeling, recordkeeping, milk testing, and milk cooling requirements. Producers wanting to sell under this exemption must notify the Utah Department of Agriculture and Food (UDAF) that they are doing so. UDAF has power under the bill to order a producer to stop selling raw milk if the producer’s dairy is linked to a foodborne illness. The department has the power to levy administrative fines against producers who have been linked to a foodborne illness outbreak.

VIRGINIA Senate Bill 962 (SB 962) and House Bill 825 (HB 825) would have officially legalized and regulated herdshare operations. State policy in Virginia has long been to leave the many herdshare programs existing in the state alone. The original versions of both bills would have criminalized the refusal of either farmers or consumers to turn over copies of their contracts to government agencies. Both bills stated it was illegal for anyone besides the party to the contract to receive raw milk; in other words, giving raw milk to family or guests would have been a crime. Criminal penalties for violations of the bill’s requirements were up to one year in jail and a $2,500 fine; every day the violation continued would be a separate offense. The bills also required that the herdshare contracts contain a clause that shareholders assumed joint liability if the herd or any milk produced by the heard was responsible for any injury or illness. SB 962 was in Senate committee and shortly afterwards was stricken in the House committee.

For further updates on the progress of raw milk legislation, go to the bill tracking page at realmilk.com.

FDA Bootstrapping Its Power under FSMA


Recently the New York Department of Agriculture and Markets (NYDAM) sent what it called a “Milk Control Facility FSMA Survey” to a number of licensed dairy producers in the state, including raw cheesemakers. The survey was mainly concerned with whether the producers were complying with various requirements related to the FDA Food Safety Modernization Act (FSMA) but there was one requirement the survey asked about that was never brought up at all when Congress was deliberating over FSMA–current Good Manufacturing Practices (cGMPs), which FDA could try to use for regulating all commerce other than most meat and poultry that are under the jurisdiction of the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). This could include all intrastate commerce; under FDA’s interpretation of the law, any local producer– whether a raw milk dairy with a couple of cows or a private homemaking cottage foods operation–would be subject to the cGMP requirement and FDA jurisdiction.

The agency is claiming that authority given it by the Public Health Service Act (PHSA) to regulate communicable diseases gives it the power to impose cGMP requirements. The PHSA provides that “[t]he Surgeon General, with the approval of the Secretary [of Health and Human Services], is authorized to make and enforce such regulations as in his judgment are necessary to prevent the introduction, transmission, or spread of communicable diseases from foreign countries into the States or possessions, or from one State or possession into any other State or possession. For the purposes of carrying out and enforcing such regulations, the Surgeon General may provide for such inspection, fumigation, disinfection, sanitation, pest extermination, destruction of animals or articles found to be so infected or contaminated as to be sources of dangerous infection to human beings, and other measures, as in his judgment may be necessary.”1

A common sense reading of this power would be that FDA could get involved if there was a foodborne illness outbreak confined to one state or if a producer solely in intrastate commerce was found to be manufacturing food under unsanitary conditions but, according to the agency, its power to regulate communicable disease gives it the authority to impose cGMP requirements on all food manufacturers (other than those in the meat and poultry business) for the following: “plants and grounds; sanitary facilities, controls, and operations; equipment and utensils; processes and controls; warehousing and distribution; and natural or avoidable defect levels.”2

The cGMPs are part of a one-size-fits-all regulatory scheme; unlike some of the more onerous FSMA provisions such as the national produce safety standards and the food safety standards (HAPRPC – Hazard Analysis Risk-Based Preventive Controls) in which many smaller producers are exempt from those mandates, there are no exemptions from the cGMP requirements.

FDA has long held that cGMPs apply to food manufacturers in intrastate commerce but the agency’s position fell on deaf ears until after the passage of FSMA. The cGMPs used to have their own section in the Code of Federal Regulations (21 CFR part 110) but, when FDA issued regulations governing the HARPC requirement (21 CFR part 117), it moved the cGMP regulations over to that section as well. FDA wants to make it seem like cGMPs are part of FSMA even though they were never brought up when Congress was considering the food safety legislation in 2009 and 2010.

At this time FDA doesn’t have nearly the resources to enforce the cGMP requirements across the board but that doesn’t have to happen for the agency to create a chilling effect among local food producers; an occasional inspection of or enforcement action against a raw milk producer or cottage food operation will do the trick. The cGMPs potentially threaten to roll back some of the progress made in recent years through legislative and policy changes in the areas of consumer access to raw dairy and cottage foods.

There are ways to protect against the cGMP threat to intrastate business. One way would be for state legislatures to more closely monitor FDA cooperative agreements between state departments of health and agriculture to make sure the state agencies don’t impose these requirements on food producers operating only in intrastate commerce; with FSMA, states will be counted on to carry out much of its enforcement. Another way would be to amend the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act to make it clear that the cGMP requirements only apply to firms operating in interstate commerce. As it is FSMA is possibly the most draconian piece of food legislation ever passed; FDA needs to be stopped from expanding its power beyond what Congress ever intended.

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1 United States Code of Laws, 42 USC 264(a). Accessed 2/28/2018 at https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/264

2 Federal Register, 78 FR 3651. Section II.B.1 accessed 2/28/2018 at
https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2013/01/16/2013-00125/current-good-manufacturing-practice-and-hazard-analysis-and-risk-based-preventive-controls-for-human